The policy is unfavourable to persons over a certain age or with numerous dependent children and it insists that married people with families must come as a family unit or not at all. Samoans who are able to meet these requirements are admitted in the first instance, for six months.
Provided their behaviour has been satisfactory, extensions are granted and at the end of five years they are granted permanent residence. This has been true of Samoan migration. Thus in , of the total of Samoans in New Zealand, were between the ages of 16 and 65 years. The Census provides more detail. Of the 3, Samoans listed, 2, or It is interesting also to note that The available Census material on marital status is more difficult to interpret. Such information would enable us to arrive at a fairly accurate estimate of the marital status of actual migrants.
The results of the Census are even more difficult to use because, in the considerable time which had elapsed since the post war spurt of migration, many of the single migrants had had time to settle and marry in New Zealand, thus swelling the number - 22 of the married group.
Thus, although by relying solely on information given by the Census we can only get an approximate idea of the true status of the migrant, the dominance of the single migrant seems apparent. Indeed, the Polynesian movement is notable for the fact that the number of female migrants has for many years on the average outstripped the number of male migrants.
Thus, in , of those who were classified as Samoan-born, The detailed explanation of this unusually high female ratio for Polynesians in general and for Samoans in particular will not be attempted here. No doubt there are numerous factors and a multiplicity of motives involved which need thorough study.
For instance the education motive is important. But one plausible explanation is the availability in New Zealand of secure and higly remunerative employment for women, especially during and after the war. Many light industries in New Zealand, particularly textile manufacturing and food processing, have since the war kept the demand for labour high. Consequently several firms facilitated the migration of a great many females by financing their passage to New Zealand in return for obligatory service for several years.
This was applicable particularly to Full-blood Samoan females. An attempt has been made in Table 2 to simplify and re-classify for purposes of comparison, information contained in the Censuses of and Several interesting points are apparent from the data. The desire for education and the wish to accumulate savings with which perhaps to build a home or run a trading store in Samoa are common motives among them.
Whether the emigrants will in practice retain their desire to return home cannot yet be determined, but personal observation suggests that this is very unlikely. Perhaps the high ratio of Samoan females to males, the number of marriages occurring, the establishment - 24 of a family and subsequent immobility are factors which will prevent the fulfilment of these original intentions. From Table 2 we may note that manufacturing alone, especially the food, wearing-apparel and machinery industries in employed The proportion of those engaged in manufacturing and construction rose from The proportion of those occupied in Government service, commerce and finance, which is a rough measure of the professional element, was 7.
Perhaps the most striking feature of the occupational aspect of the movement is the rather insignificant proportion which is engaged in agriculture. This shows a decline from 5. One might expect a slightly higher proportion in view of the fact that most migrants come from rural backgrounds into a predominantly rural New Zealand.
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These data are used in Figure 4, and count only those born in Samoa. The same method is used to count temporary migrants figure given in text but not shown in table. The average number between and of 1, is almost the same as our estimate of 1,, though for a slightly different period. Finally, our estimate of direct permanent migration from Samoa to Australia average of 49 from to is an over-estimate since the data shows that a few of these who gained PR first arrived in Australia as New Zealand citizens.
Again, the data is by birth place. Figure 4 uses national data, and Figure 3 UN. One difference is that the UN but not the national data includes second-generation migrants for both Australia and New Zealand. This research was undertaken with the support of the Pacific Research Program, an initiative of the Australian Aid Program. The views represent those of the authors only. And also Australia share their lands for us to live in. But the migrant stock of Samoans in Australia is increasing much more rapidly, by 1, a year.
Figure 4: Migrant stock and permanent residency PR trends, c. Note and sources: See notes at the end of the second blog for more information, including exact years. New Zealand shows the reverse pattern. On average 2, Samoans gained permanent residency in New Zealand each year over the period to Another 1, moved under a family visa, and a much smaller number, 50, did so under a skilled or business visa. But the number of Samoan migrants in New Zealand increased annually by only about half that total of 2,, that is, by 1, What happened to the other 1,?
That number is almost identical to the 1, 1, minus 49 Samoa-born who started living in Australia without getting permanent residency. These are the migrants born in Samoa who lived in New Zealand for long enough at least five years to get Kiwi citizenship before deciding to migrate to Australia. Given that this graph utilises four different data sources, it is remarkable that the numbers are so consistent.
So the result is somewhat coincidental. But it is nevertheless clear that a number of Samoans equal to about half of the rate of gross migration to New Zealand leaves annually from New Zealand for Australia.
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